The following is an editorial which The Harvard Crimson refused
to print in 1997. It is about the grape boycott debate held during Fall 1997 and
why Harvard students should vote "NO GRAPES" in the vote conducted by the
Harvard Dining Services (HDS) on whether or not it should lift its 5 year ban on
grapes. Another editorial on this issue that was printed in The Crimson
follows.
HDS took a vote on Friday, November 21st during lunch in the
undergraduate dining halls. What resulted was the largest Harvard student
participation in recent memory. Almost twice as many students voted on the grape
issue than have voted for the UC elections! Unfortunately, to the great dismay
of all who had worked so hard to support farmworker's rights, the ban on grapes
lost by a narrow margin.
By Sergio Campos, scampos@fas.harvard.edu
Seldom are labor conflicts settled at the breakfast table, but the lives and
welfare of many workers depend on the grapes we choose or do not choose to eat.
That is why Harvard's decision to re-serve grapes in undergraduate dining
halls in spite of the United Farm Worker's grape boycott has taken the
importance it deserves. Critics and advocates of Harvard's decision have both
focused on everything from worker's conditions to economic factors to argue
their points. But the many injustices surrounding the grape boycott are not just
poor working conditions, but the violation of basic human rights. That is why we
urge students to take a stand against these violations and vote no to grapes on
November 21.
The United Farm Workers first initiated a grape boycott in 1965 to address
the poor and inhumane conditions of farmworkers. It succeeded in many ways by
bringing into the limelight the plight of the farm worker as well as introduce
union representation to a very disadvantaged group. Many luminaries of the time,
including Robert Kennedy, actively supported the boycott. The actual strides of
the 1965 boycott, however, were meager, in that few actual labor contracts
materialized. Cesar Chavez, founder of both the United Farm Workers and the
first grape boycott, reissued the boycott in the late seventies to build on the
meager strides of the first boycott, but since the seventies both public
interest and support has waned.
The boycott that is effective today, the international table grape boycott,
was issued by the UFW in 1984 to continue to fight for better and humane working
conditions. Unfortunately, little has change since the first and second boycott.
Thirty percent of the workforce is under 16 years old, with many of these
workers paid less than minimum wage. In fact, a 1996 study conducted by the
California Institute for Rural Studies compiled statistics from the U.S.
Department of Agriculture and found that real wages of farmworkers are 25
percent lower than they were in 1976. The U.S. Department of Agriculture itself
estimates that the average income of a farm worker's family is less than $5,000
a year. Farmworkers are seldom supplied with toilets or even drinking water
while working, and work essentials such as folding tables for packing grapes are
seldom supplied.
The greatest threat to farmworkers, however, that the boycott in effect today
addresses is the use of harmful pesticides on grapes. Table grapes use such
cosmetic pesticides such as Captan, Methyl Bromide, and Parathion because of the
grape^Òs thin and fragile skin. According to a report by the U.S. General
Accounting office, many of these pesticides are oil-based or systemic and thus
cannot be washed off and a third of these pesticides are considered
carcinogenic. The effect of these pesticides on farmworkers have been startling.
Pesticides have been known to cause birth defects, missing limbs in newborns,
and cancer, and the EPA reports that 300,000 farmworkers every year receive
pesticide poisoning. The EPA also estimates that 27,000 of these cases result in
acute illness. Pesticides also pose a potential threat to consumers. FDA testing
methods detect less than half of the seventy-five types of pesticides used on
grapes, and both independent and government testing has shown that even with
these inaccurate methods twenty to fifty percent of all grapes have pesticide
residues. This has caused the National Academy of Sciences to list grapes as one
of fifteen dangerous foods, especially for small children.
Many people argue that grape farms today must adhere to strict codes and
regulations to insure a humane working environment. In fact, most of these
regulations were a direct consequence of the earlier versions of the boycott.
Many of these regulations, however, are easily maneuvered around or are just
plain ineffective. For example, the law that states that growers must keep
workers out of fields for a number of days during the application of pesticides
does little to curtail pesticide poisoning. Most pesticides are administered by
airplane to fields, and the drift caused by the wind carry these pesticides in
the air for a prolonged period of time. In fact, in 1994 there were 155 possible
cases of pesticide exposure from drift near farms, according to the California
Department of Pesticide Regulations. Most of the exposure was on neighboring
towns of grape fields, where most workers live. Similarly, claims of strict
regulations for health insurance, sanitation, and better working conditions are
juxtaposed with the fact that these regulations are seldom enforced. Despite
lawsuits, complaints, and petitions by the United Farm Workers against these
infractions, growers continue to disregard regulations, and have ensured a
compliant labor force by actively avoiding union labor and using independent
contractors to hire non-union, low-wage labor.
Others also argue that many farmworkers are vehemently against unionizing.
This is also true. But those workers against unions are threatened everyday with
their jobs by growers if they choose union representation. One worker, Miguel
Hernandez, reported in a 1997 article in The Detroit News that he was hesitant
to stand up against growers, especially since his two children depend on his
paycheck everyday to live. His comments are a common fear among farmworkers who
feel powerless in the hands of growers. Richard Freeman, in a lecture for Ec 10,
stated that many non-union workers who are against unions usually change their
mind once they are in a union. He cited the example of the newly formed Harvard
Union of Clerical and Technicals, which voted to unionize by a small margin, but
showed in a recent poll that ninety percent of its members would vote yes for
the union if the same vote was conducted today. Freeman also stressed in his
lecture that unions play an important voice role in addressing common
grievances. Without union representation, workers would not have the forum nor
the power to bring about needed change. But, as Miguel Hernandez himself knows,
the cost for this empowerment can be high.
Workers should not be forced to make the kind of decision the thousands like
Miguel Hernandez have to make. Yet critics continue to make light of the United
Farm Workers' cause, calling the grape boycott pure showmanship and a feeble
attempt to boost membership. But the United Farm Workers actively fight not for
any immediate rewards, but for the genuine good will of the workers. The UFW's
current president, Arturo Rodriguez, makes a paltry six thousand dollars a year
to honor Cesar Chavez's motto that only the poor can know its own plight. And
while the UFW's gains have included better union contracts, its greatest aims
appeal to the farmworker in general, through both legislation and appeals to the
American consumer. In this way the UFW is not fighting for itself, but for the
farmworker. That is why many groups, including the National Council of Churches,
currently support the UFW's grape boycott.
Most importantly, if we hold the rights of man as something to be cherished
and vigorously fought for, we must address the gross injustices that occur to
farmworkers on a daily basis. No one should be forced to be exposed to toxic
chemicals. No one should be forced to accept intolerable and inhumane working
conditions in order to feed his or her children. No one should be kept silent by
fear to accept a life that causes pain, loss, and death. We as an institution
cannot make the same mistake that Stanford did in letting apathy set in. A
statement by a student leader at Stanford during the students' failed attempt to
keep the boycott wrote that "We never thought, at this institution, that an
image of a boy born with no arms and no legs projected on the Memorial
Auditorium video screen would be welcomed with shouts of vicious laughter." We
must hold to the ideal that Martin Luther King Jr. expressed when he said that
injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere, and we must treat all injustices
with the respect they deserve.
Many students have verbally assaulted us and have accused us of imposing our
views on the student body. We do not want to impose our views, but argue for
something that we deeply care about. We know that Harvard students have shown
time and time again the intelligence to acknowledge a wrong. The recent
demonstrations that occurred during Jiang Zemin's visit are proof of Harvard's
awareness of human rights violations. But do Harvard students have the heart to
set its tastes aside and do the right thing?
Harvard Crimson Editorial
No Grapes: Support Grape Pickers
Perhaps Harvard students have merely forgotten. Last week, in response to
numerous student requests, Harvard Dining Services (HDS) announced that they
will begin to carry grapes again at brunch on Nov. 9 after five years of
supporting the ongoing United Farm Workers (UFW) boycott on table grapes. In
response, we will remind the student body of the reason that grapes have no
place in our dining halls.
The boycott of table grapes was begun for two reasons: for the livelihoods of
the one percent of grape workers represented by the United Farm Workers (UFW),
founded by the late Cesar Chavez; and for the sake of the countless others who
would wish to join but are prevented for fear of losing their jobs.
Grape pickers in California work long days under arduous conditions in close
proximity to pesticides. They are paid for the number of boxes of grapes they
pick. The UFW called for a boycott because the conditions in the grape-picking
industry were so dangerous that grape pickers could not find jobs that offered
humane treatment, clean drinking water, health or accident insurance, and basic
sanitation for the workers in the agricultural camps. The College has been a
part of the boycott which is currently upheld at Yale, Stanford and Duke since
1992. Other parts of the Harvard community are not currently under the grape
boycott, though this is a perfect opportunity for them to express their support
as well.
Unfortunately, the boycott has not yet been successful. However, this is no
reason to lose hope or to waver in our support. The first battle seems to be in
awareness: Harvard students need to be made aware that their grapes will most
likely be from California, from the farms of those who refuse to listen to the
call for humane treatment of their workers. The bad publicity and public-health
risks that surrounded Chilean grapes in the late 80s nearly guarantees that
Harvard will procure their grapes the quick and easy way, from the large and
boycotted California grape producers.
The only bright note in this announcement is that the grapes have not yet
arrived at our undergraduate tables. Protests, letters and comment cards are
appropriate if not imperative forms of protest. We Harvard students still have
time to take the facts of the boycott into account and keep grapes off our
tables.
If you would like to be more informed about the California pesticide grown
grapes please contact the United Farm Workers
for more information, or contact Education for Action (E4A) at
Radcliffe: (617) 496-6033. "Wrath of Grapes" and "NO GRAPES" videos produced by
the UFW are available for viewing.
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